Now This

This blog is now read by more machines than humans: RSS robots, spam-laying insectopoids, echoes of blog-gathering .edu projects. This essentially is the state of affairs that all human activities w

Cleaning Up the Nation

Austin Bay:

If Air America were a conservative radio network its corrupt funding trail and cynical abuse of a poverty program would be front page news at the NY Times and full-time mega-scandal at

Rank Materialism

Freedom. I am now the proud new owner of a Gateway 6020GZ laptop, perfect for students and others with limited means. I can now go into a Starbucks or a Barnes & Noble and look like I'm doing some

Fallujah Fonda

Uh-oh. From the Telegraph comes this exciting news:

Jane Fonda is returning to anti-war activism and embarking on a cross-country tour to call for an end to US military operations in Iraq.

Acros

John Pilger: Partner in Terrorism

In an outrageous piece of terrorist propaganda appearing on the cover of today's New Statesman, John Pilger puts the blame for the 7/7 London attacks not on the terrorists, but rather on Tony Blair:

Confronting the New Paradigm

In a Washington Post piece called Why a First Strike Will Surely Backfire, William A. Galston makes the case against US-led regime change in Iraq. The central argument here is that the US shouldn't mess with the international status quo:

We are the most powerful nation on Earth but we are not invulnerable. To safeguard our own security, we need the help of the allies whose doubts we scorn, and the protection of the international restraints against which we chafe. We must therefore resist the easy seduction of unilateral action. In the long run, our interests will be best served by an international system that is as law-like and collaborative as possible, given the reality that we live in a world of sovereign states.

The problem with this is that the international system, "law-like" or not, is not stopping the progress of Iraq's weapons program. It has slowed it down, sure. But Iraq will get there sooner or later. Yet this is the argument that is coalescing against US action in Iraq. This line holds that the observation "9/11 changed everything" isn't true. There was an international system before 9/11, and it should remain in place after 9/11, largely unchanged.

Mr. Galston does give a fair account of the other side's view:

The first duty of every government, they might say, is to defend the lives and security of its citizens. The elimination of Hussein and, by extension, every regime that threatens to share weapons of mass destruction with anti-American terrorists, comports with this duty. To invoke international norms designed for a different world is to blind ourselves to the harsh necessities of international action in the new era of terrorism. If no other nation agrees, we have a duty to the American people to go it alone.

We're facing a race between technological change and political change. Unfortunately it is far easier to produce a nuclear weapon than a stable democracy. Pakistan is proof enough of that. Over the last 10 years Iraq has been edging ever closer to building a nuclear weapon, but there's damn little sign that the totalitarian regime has changed in any way.

We have to change Iraq's political nature because preventing its technological advance isn't possible. We cannot stop the spread of technology. It is possible, though difficult, to change political sytems in otherwise sovereign nations. We've done it before, as anyone on the left will gladly tell you, and the international system noticeably didn't collapse. To an extent, the US military, supported by the US economy, is the international system. Certainly it would look far different without us.

That we must change Iraq is not in doubt. The question is whether, under the old rules, we can change the Iraqi situation in time, if at all. If there's a reasonable possibility that we cannot, then the old paradigm has failed us, and we need a new way of dealing with such threats. The political price we'd have to pay is a secondary consideration.

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